first  Rattle  of 


£ake  C']a"iplain. 


ChAMPLAIN  (SAAlCfSL  D*.) 


; 


./'•- '  •• 


•  .^-,'i^,"!~!;'  i~»j--  ,  .:t5s 


THE 


/ 


FIRST     BATTLE 


OF 


Lal^G    ©h|arr|plair> 


A    PAPER    READ    BEFORE    THE 


Albany  Institute,  November  5,  1889, 


BY 


GEORGE    F.   BIXBY 

\ 

\D    V.., 

1 

t 

^ 

^ 

^' 

ALBANY: 

AMASA   J.    PARKER,    RECEIVER    FOR  WEED,  PARSONS  &  CO.,  PRINTER. 

1893. 


THE  FIRST  BATTLE  OF    LAKE   CHAMPLAIN. 

HAS  CURRENT  HISTORY  CORRECTLY  LOCATED  ITS  SITE? 

By  George  F.  Bixby. 
[Read  before  the  Albany  InRtitute,  November  5, 1889.] 

The  Champlaiii  Valley  lias  been  famous  as  battle  ground.  The 
burden  of  the  first  tradition  handed  down  from  prehistoric  time  was 
of  fierce  wars  which  had  driven  their  once  numerous  inhabitants  from 
these  shores  and  islands.  Here,  along  the  ^'  gate  of  the  country/'  was 
bloody  ground,  and  it  requires  little  effort  of  the  imagination  to  con- 
ceive the  tide  of  battle  as  ebbing  and  flowing  past  Rock  Reggio,  the 
ancient  landmark  between  the  savage  tribes  of  the  North  and  the  South. 
The  thought  strikes  one  forcibly  at  the  outset,  in  pursuing  a  line  of  in- 
quiry like  this,  and  comparing  the  old-world  records  with  those  of  the 
new,  the  former  reaching  back  to  the  earliest  human  races,  that  here 
darkness  covers  the  face  of  that  great  deep;  that  the  historic  time  of  this 
valley  spans  but  a  comparative  hand-breadth  of  the  past — less  than 
eight  generations  —  and  that  it  would  be  inexcusable  if,  even  here, 
manifest  errors  bearing  on  important  data  should,  without  protest,  be 
awarded  a  place  on  the  pages  of  history. 

From  the  numerous  conflicts  of  historic  time  on  Lake  Champlain, 
three  stand  out  with  marked  distinctness.  Seventy-five  years  ago  in 
September,  1814,  the  last  naval  battle  between  the  United  States  and 
the  **  Mother  Country"  was  fought  on  Cumberland  Bay,  and  thirty 
eight  years  before  that,  in  October,  1776,  was  the  first  naval  battle  be- 
tween the  same  powers,  when  the  infant  republic,  under  the  lion-hearted 
Arnold,  dared  to  stand  up  against  the  mistress  of  the  seas  on  her  own 
domain.  The  localities  of  both  these  engagements  are  well  and  truly 
marked;  the  first  by  the  wreck  of  the  Royal  Savage,  one  of  our  own 
vessels  sunk  in  that  action,  still  visible  at  low  water,  and  the  last  by 
well-attested  charts,  as  well  as  by  the  recollection  of  living  witnesses; 
and  it  is  a  remarkable  fact  that  these  two  important  battle  grounds, 
where  our  first  and  last  naval  struggle  with  Great  Britain  took  place, 
lie  only  five  miles  apart  on  Lake  Champlain,  without  even  a  stone 
raised  to  commemorate  them.  The  first  of  these  three  battles  — 
standing  on  the  outer  verge  of  historic  time  —  was  the  original 
**  Battle  of  Lake  Champlain,"  fought  two  hundred  and  eighty  years 


2  2%c  First  Dalllc  of  Lake  ('huniplaiii, 

ago,  only  eiglitcen  days  after  the  discovery  of  this  valley  and  its  lake 
by  Champlain,  this  i)robably  being  the  first  conflict,  in  what  is  now 
the  State  of  New  York,  where  firearms  were  used. 

The  site  of  this  battle  has  also  been  fixed  by  current  history,  erro- 
neously fixed,  as  I  believe,  and  the  purpose  of  this  paper  is  to  bring 
reasons  for  such  belief.  It  will  be  remembered  that  Champlain  was 
on  his  way  through  Lake  ChampUin,  going  south  with  a  war  party 
of  Montagnais  Indians  against  the  Iroquois.  The  party  consisted  of 
Champlain  and  two  other  Frenchmen  and  sixty  savages,  with  twenty- 
four  birch  bark  canoes.  They  set  out  from  the  Fall  of  the  Iroquois 
river,  at  Chambly  Basin,  on  the  12th  of  July,  1609.  Champlain  in 
his  Journal  describes  the  journey  up  the  river  Richelieu  and  along  the 
west  side  of  the  lake,  and  proceeds  thus  (Prince  Society's  translation): 

''  Xow  as  we  began  to  approach  within  two  or  three  days'  journey  of 
the  abode  of  their  enemies  we  advanced  only  at  night,  resting  during 
the  day.  *  *  *  When  it  was  evening  we  embarked  in  our  canoes 
to  continue  our  course  and,  as  we  advanced  very  quietly  and  without 
making  any  noise,  we  met  on  the  -^9th  of  July  the  Iroquois,  about 
ten  o'clock  at  evening,  at  the  extremity  of  a  cape  which  extends  into 
the  lake  on  the  western  bank  {ait  hout  d'un  cap  qui  advance  dans  le 
lac  du  coste  d*  T  Occident).  They  had  come  to  fight.  We  both  began 
to  utter  loud  cries,  all  getting  their  arms  in  readiness.  We  withdrew 
out  on  the  water,  and  the  Iroquois  went  on  shore,  where  they  drew 
up  all  their  canoes  close  to  each  other  and  began  to  fell  trees  with 
poor  axes,  which  they  acquire  in  war  sometimes,  using  also  others  of 
stone.     Thus  they  barricaded  themselves  very  well. 

*•  Our  forces  also  passed  the  entire  night,  their  canoes  being  drawn 
up  close  to  each  other  and  fastened  to  poles,  so  that  they  might  not 
get  separated,  and  that  they  might  be  all  in  readiness  to  fight  if  occa- 
sion required.  We  were  out  upon  the  water,  within  arrow  range  of 
their  barricades.  When  they  were  armed  and  in  array,  they  des- 
patched two  canoes  by  themselves  to  the  enemy  to  inquire  if  they 
wished  to  right,  to  which  the  latter  replied  that  they  wanted  nothing 
else  :  but  they  said  that  at  present  there  was  not  much  light,  and 
that  it  would  be  necessary  to  wait  for  daylight  so  as  to  be  able  to 
recognize  each  other;  and  that  as  soon  as  the  sun  rose  they  would 
offer  battle.  This  was  agreed  to  by  our  side.  Meanwhile,  the  entire 
night  was  spent  in  dancing  and  singing,  on  both  sides,  with  endless 
insults  and  other  talk  ;  as,  how  little  courage  we  had,  how  feeble  a 
resistance  we  *would  make  against  their  arms,  and  that,  when  day 
came,  we  should  realize  it  to  our  ruin.     Ours,  also,  were  not  slow  in 


Tlic  First  JUtllle  of  Lake  Cluunplain.  8 

retorting,  telling  them  tliey  would  see  such  execution  of  jirms  as 
uever  before,  together  with  jiu  abundunce  of  such  jw  is  not  unusual  in 
the  siege  of  a  town.  After  this  singing,  dancing  and  bandying  of 
words  on  both  sides  to  the  fill,  when  day  came  my  companions  and 
myself  continued  under  cover  for  fear  that  the  enemy  would  see  us. 
We  arranged  our  arms  in  the  best  manner  possible,  being,  however, 
sejjarated,  each  in  one  of  the  canoes  of  the  savage  Montagnais. 

"  xVfter  arming  ourselves  with  light  armor,  we  each  took  an  arque- 
buse  and  went  on  shore.  I  saw  the  enemy  go  out  of  their  barricade, 
nearly  two  hundred  in  number,  stout  and  rugged  in  appearance.  They 
came  at  a  slow  pace  towards  us,  with  a  dignity  and  assurance  which 
greatly  amused  me,  having  three  chiefs  at  their  head.  Our  men  also 
advanced  in  the  same  order,  telling  me  that  those  who  had  three  large 
plumes  were  the  chiefs,  and  that  they  had  oidy  these  three,  and  that 
they  could  be  distinguished  by  these  plumes  which  were  much  larger 
than  tliose  of  their  companions,  and  that  I  should  do  what  I  could  to 
kill  them.  I  promised  to  do  all  in  my  power,  and  said  that  I  was  very 
sorx'y  they  could  not  understand  me,  so  that  I  might  give  order  and 
shape  to  their  mode  of  attacking  their  enemies,  and  then  we  should 
without  doubt  defeat  them  all;  but  that  this  could  not  now  be  ob- 
viated, and  that  I  should  be  very  glad  to  show  them  my  courage  and 
good  will  when  we  should  engage  in  the  fight. 

"As  soon  as  we  had  landed,  they  began  to  run  for  some  two  hun- 
dred paces  toward  their  enemies,  who  stood  firmly,  not  having  as  yet 
noticed  my  companions,  who  went  into  the  woods  with  some  savages. 
Our  men  began  to  call  me  with  loud  cries;  and  in  order  to  give  me  a 
passage-way  they  opened  in  two  parts,  and  put  me  at  their  head,  where 
I  marched  some  twenty  paces  in  advance  of  the  rest,  until  I  was 
within  about  thirty  paces  of  the  enemy,  who  at  once  noticed  me  and, 
halting,  gazed  at  me,  as  I  did  also  at  them.  When  I  saw  them 
making  a  move  to  fire  at  us,  I  rested  my  musket  against  my  cheek  and 
aimed  directly  at  one  of  the  three  chiefs.  With  the  same  shot,  two 
fell  to  the  ground;  and  one  of  their  men  was  so  wounded  that  he 
died  some  time  after.  I  had  loaded  my  musket  with  four  balls. 
When  our  side  saw  this  shot,  so  favorable  for  them,  they  began 
to  raise  such  loud  cries  that  one  could  not  have  heard  it  thun- 
der. Meanwhile,  the  arrows  fiew  on  both  sides.  The  Iroquois  were 
greatly  astonished  that  two  men  had  been  so  quickly  killed,  although 
they  were  equipped  with  armor  woven  from  cotton  thread  and  with 
wood,  which  was  proof  against  their  arrows.  This  caused  great  alarm 
among  them.     As  I  was  loading  again,  one  of  my  companions  fired  a 


4  The  First  Battle  of  Lake  C/imnphiin. 

shot  from  the  woods,  which  astonished  tlicm  anew  to  such  a  degree 
that,  seeing  their  chiefs  dead,  they  lost  courage  and  took  to  tliglit, 
abandoning  their  camp  and  fort  and  fleeing  into  the  woods,  whiiher 
I  pursued  them,  killing  still  more  of  them,  and  took  ten  or  twelve 
prisoners.  The  remainder  escaped  with  the  wounded.  Fifteen  or 
sixteen  were  wounded  on  our  side  with  arrow  shots,  but  they  were  soon 
healed. 

**  After  gaining  the  victory  our  men  amused  themselves  by  taking 
a  great  quantity  of  Indian  corn  and  some  meal  from  their  enemies; 
also  their  armor,  which  they  had  left  behind  that  they  might  run 
better.  After  feasting  sumptuously,  dancing  and  singing,  we  returned 
three  hours  after  with  the  prisoners.  The  spot  where  thi^  attack  took 
place  is  in  latitude  43**  and  some  minutes,  and  the  lake  was  called 
Lake  Champlain." 

In  his  explanation  of  the  map  accompanying  his  account  of  the 
battle,  he  says:  '•'  The  canoes  of  the  enemy  were  made  of  oak  bark, 
each  holding  ten,  fifteen  or  eighteen  men.'' 

This  is  Cham  plain's  account,  in  full,  of  the  battle,  and  he  says,  farther 
on,  that  they  returned  down  the  lake  eight  leagues  the  same  day  and 
halted  toward  evening;  also,  that  the  Montagnais  had  scalped  all  those 
they  had  killed  in  battle. 

Where  is  the  "  cape  which  extends  into  the  lake  on  the  western 
bank,"  that  Champlain  describes  as  the  scene  of  the  first  battle  of  Lake 
Champlain?  Nearly  all,  if  not  quite  all,  authorities  agree  that  it  wa3 
at  or  near  tlie  spot  where  Fort  Ticonderoga  was  afterward  built,  and 
Avhere  its  ruins  now  stand.  Watson  says  (Hist.  Essex  Co.,  p.  18): 
"  The  place  was  evidently  in  the  vicinity  of  Ticonderoga."  Thomp- 
son (Hist.  Vt,,  p.  2)  locates  the  spot  on  the  shore  of  Lake  George. 
Palmer  says  (Hist.  Lake  Cliamplain,  p.  23):  ''The  engagement 
took  place  somewhere  between  Crown  Point  and  Lake  George,  prob- 
ably at  Ticonderoga."  O'Callaghan  (Doc.  Hist.  N.  Y.,  vol.  3,  p.  9, 
foot-note)  says:  *'  The  reference  in  Champlain's  map  locates  this 
engagement  between  Lake  George  and  Grown  Point,  probably  in  what 
is  now  the  town  of  Ticonderoga."  Brodhead  (Hist.  N.  Y.  vol.  1,  p. 
18)  says:  "On  the  map  which  accompanies  his  work,  Champlain 
marks  the  place  where  the  Iroquois  were  defeated  as  a  promontory  a 
little  to  the  northeast  of  a  small  lake  by  which  one  goes  to  the 
Iroquois,  after  having  passed  Lake  Champlain.  These  particulars 
seem  to  identify  Ticonderoga  as  the  spot  where  the  first  encounter 
took  place  between  the  white  men  and  the  red  men  on  the  soil  of 


The  First  Battle  of  Lake  Cha77iplai7i.  d 

New  York."  Slafter,  in  his  memoir  of  Champlain,  published  by  the 
Prince  Society,  locates  the  battle  at  Ticonderoga,  and  argues  at  some 
length  in  support  of  that  view. 

This  is  a  strong  array  of  authorities  which  it  may  be  presumptuous 
to  question,  but  attention  is  called  to  a  few  plain  facts  bearing  on  the 
matter.  Champlain's  maps,  his  picture  of  the  battle  and  his  Journal, 
together  with  the  natural  conformation  of  the  western  shore  of  the 
lake,  are  the  chief  points  of  interest  in  the  case. 

First,  as  to  the  map  referred  to  above.  This  is  Champlain's  great 
map  of  New  France,  drawn  by  his  own  hand,  :','.id  upon  which  are 
delineated  the  results  of  his  discoveries  and  observations  in  the  New 
World  during  his  travels  and  sojournings,  covering  a  period  of  over 
twenty-five  years,  from  1603  to  1629,  along  the  Atlantic  coast  from 
the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence  as  far  south  as  Cape  Cod  and,  perhaps,  to 
Martha^s  Vineyard,  along  the  coast  of  Labrador,  through  New  Bruns- 
wick and  Nova  Scotia  and  the  Eastern  provinces  of  Canada,  up  the 
Saguenay  river,  through  the  St.  Lawrence  to  the  foot  of  the  Cascades 
at  the  head  of  Lake  St.  Francis,  up  the  Ottawa  river  to  Lake  Nippis- 
sing,  and  through  the  Georgian  Bay,  Lake  Simcoe,  to  Lake  Ontario, 
Oneida  Lake  and  Lake  Champlain.  This  map  and  his  journals  were 
made  in  obedience  to  the  orders  of  King  Henry  IV,  and  the  testimony 
of  both  map  and  journals  is  entitled  to  the  utmost  weight.  Cham- 
plain says  in  his  dedication  to  the  king  :  '*  This  I  do  feeling  myself 
urged  by  a  just  sense  of  the  honor  I  have  received  during  the  last  ten 
years  in  commissions,  not  only,  sire,  from  your  majesty  but  also  from 
the  late  king,  Henry  the  Great,  of  happy  memory  who  commissioned 
me  to  make  the  most  exact  researches  and  explorations  in  my  power. 
This  I  have  done,  and  added,  moreover,  the  maps."  To  the  Queen 
Kegent,  showing  his  sense  of  religious  obligation,  he  speaks  of  his 
explorations  in  America,  "  Where  I  have  always  desired  to  see 
the  Lily  flourish,  and  also  the  only  religion.  Catholic,  Apostolic  and 
Roman." 

On  this  great  map  Lake  Champlain  appears  with  its  islands  and 
rivers  and  outlines,  drawn  as  near  to  nature  as  one  might  expect  from 
data  gathered  during  one  trip  through  it  with  a  war-party  of  savages. 
On  the  west  side,  three  rivers,  only,  are  marked  on  this  map  north  of 
the  outlet  of  Lake  George.  It  will  be  remembered  that  Champlain 
traveled  up  the  lake  on  the  west  side,  and  very  slowly,  taking  seven- 
teen days  from  Chambly  Basin  to  reach  the  scene  of  the  battle  —  only 
about  seven  miles  a  day.  Here,  then,  on  this  western  shore,  if  any- 
where,wemay  certainly  expect  accurate  mapping,  and,  more  especially, 


6  77/v'  FirKt  Battle  of  Lake  Cham  plain, 

when  it  is  remembered  that  Champlain  distinguislied  this  lake  above 
all  other  localities  which  he  discovered  or  explored,  by  gl.ing  it  his 
own  name. 

What  three  risers  are  these  wnich  he  marks?  He  would  hardly  have 
missed  the  Great  Chazy  river,  with  its  broad  estuary,  for  the  most 
northerly  one,  Going  southward  he  would  naturally  pass  the  hidden 
mouth  of  the  Saranae  river,  three  miles  westward  from  Cumberland 
Head,  across  Cumberland  Bay,  and  he  might  easily  have  missed  it,  as 
he  did  the  mouth  of  the  Merrimack  in  passing  down  the  Atlantic 
coast  in  1605.  The  Great  Ausable  river  he  could  hardly  have  failed  of 
seeing,  and  he  must,  undoubtedly,  liave  seen  the  Eoquet  river,  which 
has  the  appearance  at  its  mouth  of  being  the  largest  of  the  three  men- 
tioned, although  it  is  the  smallest.  The  three  rivers,  then,  which  Cham- 
plain  marked  for  the  west  side  of  the  lake  were,  probably,  the  Chazy, 
the  Ausable,  and  the  Boquet,  there  being  no  river  between  the  most 
southerly  one,  the  Boquet,  and  Ticondoroga  at  the  outlet  of  Lake 
George.  On  his  map  Champlain  marked  the  "  cape  which  extends  into 
the  lake  on  the  western  side,"  very  distinctly,  and  placed  by  it  the  figure 
65,  referring  to  his  explanation  of  this  as  *Hhe  place  on  Lac  Cham- 
plain where  the  Iroquois  were  defeated."  Now  this  cape,  the  only 
one  marked  on  the  western  side  of  the  lake  on  Champlain's  map,  is 
represented  on  that  map  as  being  about  equi-distant  from  Lake  George 
and  the  southernmost  of  the  three  rivers,  the  Bouquet,  which  is 
about  forty-five  miles  north  of  the  outlet  of  Lake  George,  or  Ticon- 
deroga;  Crown  Point  being  between  these  points,  about  fourteen 
miles  north  from  Ticonderoga.  The  testimony  of  the  map,  then, 
seems  conclusive  against  the  hypothesis  that  the  battle  was  at  Ticon- 
dei*oga,  which  lies  directly  at  the  outlet  of  Lake  George. 

We  next  come  to  the  Journal  of  Champlain,  and  his  description  of 
the  scene  of  the  battle:  "  The  extremity  of  a  cape  which  extends  into 
the  lake  on  the  western  bank."  Now,  there  is  no  spot  in  the  vicinity 
of  Ticonderoga  or  between  Crawu  Point  and  Ticonderoga  which  an- 
swers to  this  description,  the  little  jutting  points  along  that  shore 
having  no  resemblance  to  capes  extending  into  the  lake. 

The  place  which  has  been  designated  as  the  scerke  of  the  battle  is  about 
half  a  mile  north  of  Fort  Ticonderoga.  Here  the  shore  trends  to  the 
southeast  for  a  short  distance,  but  there  is  no  cape  there.  The  water 
there  is  shallow  all  along  the  shore,  being  marked  on  the  L^nited  States 
Coast  Survey  as  only  six  inches  deep,  and  it  will  be  readily  seen  that 
the  heavy  oak  bark  canoes  of  the  Iroquois,  each  carrying  ten  to  eigh- 
teen persons  could  not  have  landed  there. 


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TJiC  First  Battle  of  Lake  CJiamplain,  7 

Thirdly,  we  come  to  Champlain's  picture  of  the  battle,  drawn  by 
himself.  Id  this  he  represents  the  savages  of  both  sides,  Champlain 
being  at  the  head  of  his  party  of  Canadian  Indians  on  the  left,  and 
the  Iroquois  on  the  right,  while  well  around  on  the  right  flank  of  the 
Iroquois,  and  on  higher  ground  than  they,  are  Champlain's  two  white 
companions.  Now,  if  the  battle  was  at  Ticonderoga,  we  must  assume 
that  Champlain  and  his  party  voluntarily  threw  themselves  to  the 
southward  of  their  enemies,  towards  the  enemy^s  country,  in  an  un- 
known wilderness,  the  two  white  companions  putting  themselves  in 
oven  greater  peril  than  the  main  force,  and  this  with  their  foes  out- 
numbering them  more  than  three  to  one.  Is  it  possible  to  believe  that 
Champlain  would  commit  this  mistake,  familiar  as  he  was  with  the 
wily  tactics  of  the  savages?  Is  it  probable  that  the  warlike  Montag- 
nais  would  thus  have  voluntarily  put  themselves  at  this  disadvantage, 
after  having  already  penetrated  with  extreme  caution  over  a  hundred 
miles  into  the  enemy's  country? 

The  Iroquois  landed  first,  and  Champlain  and  liis  party  had  their 
choice  whether  to  attack  from  the  left  or  the  right.  Can  it  be  reason- 
ably supposed  that  they  would  have  chosen  to  give  battle  from  the 
south,  where  the  danger  to  themselves  was  certainly  greater  than  if 
they  attacked  from  the  north?  The  evidence  of  the  journal,  of  the  map, 
and  of  the  battle  picture  —  all  the  work  of  Champlain  himself  —  ap- 
pears to  combat  the  supposition  that  the  battle  could  have  been  fought 
at  Ticonderoga. 

Where  then  was  it  fought? 

I  believe  all  the  reliable  evidence  in  the  case  points  to  Crown  Point, 
where  the  French  erected  Fort  Frederick,  their  extreme  outpost  in 
1731,  the  ruins  of  which,  with  enclosing  earthworks,  are  still  visible 
near  the  northern  shore,  while  farther  inland  stand  the  stone  barracks 
of  the  Amherst  fort. 

Here  is  a  locality  which  perfectly  answers  to  Champlain's  descrip- 
tion of  ^*a  cape  which  extends  into  the  lake  on  the  western  bank,'' 
and  here  is  the  only  spot,  at  the  extremity  of  the  cape,  and  thence 
around  to  the  head  of  Bay  St.  Frederick,  as  the  French  named  it,  now 
Bullwagga  Bay,  where  the  western  shore  trends  to  the  northward,  and 
the  only  spot  on  the  western  side  of  that  part  of  Lake  Champlain, 
where  a  skilled  warrior  like  Champlain,  and  savages  like  his  allies, 
would  have  been  likely  to  attack  their  foes  from  the  left  and  north, 
rather  than  from  the  right  and  south.  In  fact  this  is  the  only  point 
along  the  entire  west  shore  of  Lake  Champlain  where  the  shore  line 
takes  a  northerly  direction,  with  the  exception  of  Willsborough  Point, 


8  The  First  Battle  of  Lake  C'lunnplain. 

about  thirty  miles  north  of  Crown  Point,  where  the  shore  is  a  precip- 
itous bluff.  Crown  Point  also  corresponds  wit'  Ohamplain's  map.  Ti;ke 
the  United  States  Coast  Survey  of  the  lake  and  reduce  it  to  the  scale 
of  Champlain's  map,  and  Crown  Point  stands  out  iis  distinctly  beyond 
the  general  shore  line  iis  does  the  cape  which  is  marked  en  Cham- 
plain's  map,  as  the  location  of  the  battle,  and  Crown  Point  also  approx- 
imates in  position  to  this  cape,  marked  on  Champlain's  map  as  between 
Ticonderoga  and  the  Boquet  river. 

Again,  all  the  old  French  maps  marked  Bullwagga  Bay,  the  shore 
of  which  terminates  in  Crown  Point,  as  the  head  of  Lake  Champlain, 
and  that  portion  southward  as  Wood  Creek.  The  lake  above  this 
point  certainly  partakes  more  of  the  character  of  a  river  than  a  lake, 
especially  from  Crown  Point  to  Ticonderoga,  being  but  a  little  over  a 
mile  wide  in  the  entire  distance  of  fourteen  miles,  while  at  some  points 
it  is  only  a  third  of  a  mile  wide.  Is  it  possible  that  so  close  an  ob- 
server as  Champlain,  acting  under  his  king's  command,  would  have 
neglected  to  mention  this  remarkable  change  in  the  contour  of  the 
lake,  had  he  traversed  this  portion,  or  that  he  would  not  have  called 
it  a  river,  as  he  called  the  outlet  a  river  as  far  south  as  Rouses  Point 
or  Windmill  Point,  although  that  outlet  for  thirty  miles  below  Rouses 
Point  averages  nearly  or  quite  as  wide  as  does  this  part  of  the  lake 
between  Crown  Point  and  Ticonderoga? 

The  fact  that  on  his  map  no  indication  appears  of  this  remarkable 
narrowing  of  the  lake  into  a  river  certainly  affords  good  basis  for  the 
assumption  that  he  never  saw  this  portion  of  the  lake,  and  that  Crown 
Point  was  the  southern  limit  of  his  exploration  of  Lake  Champlain. 
Mark  in  this  connection  Clianiplain's  language  already  quoted :  "  The 
spot  where  this  attack  took  place  was  in  latitude  43*^  and  some  min- 
utes, and  the  lake  was  called  Lake  Champlain."  Thus  the  evidence  of 
the  journal  and  the  map  and  the  battle  picture  indicate  that  Crown 
Point,  and  not  Ticonderoga,  was  the  scene  of  the  battle. 

What  basis  to  rest  upon,  then,  has  the  assumption,  so  universally 
concurred  in  by  historical  authorities,  that  the  battle  was  at  Ticonde- 
roga or  above  Crown  Point? 

First,  Champlain  says,  in  his  journal:  ''The  spot  where  this  attack 
took  place  is  in  latitude  43°  and  some  minutes."  Now,  if  the  latitude 
is  correctly  given  by  him  there  is  an  end  of  all  controversy,  as  Crown 
Point  lies  in  latitude  44**  2',  while  the  point  where  current  history  has 
fixed  the  battle  is  in  latitude  43**  51'. 

How  did  Champlain  determine  the  latitude?    He  undoubtedly  did 
it  with  the  astrolabe,  and  it  is  a  remark  ible  circumstance  that  an  iu- 
9 


From  U.  S.  Coast  Survey— Showing  Ticonderoga  and  Coast  Northward. 


The  First  Battle  of  Lake  Ohatnplain,  9 

strnment  was  picked  up  in  1867,  on  one  of  Champlain's  portages  of  1613 
in  the  township  of  Ross,  County  Renfrew,  in  the  province  of  Ontario, 
bearing  the  date  of  1603,  which  good  authorities  concur  in  believing 
to  be  Champlain*s  astrolabe.  The  instrument  is  described  by  Mr.  A. 
J.  Russell,  the  author  of  a  brochure  published  in  1879,  entitled, 
**Champlain's  Astrolabe,  lost  on  the  7th  of  June,  1613,  and  found  in 
August,  1867,"  as  a  circular  brass  plate,  having  a  diameter  of  five 
inches  and  five-eighths.  He  says :  **  It  is  of  plate  brass,  very  dark  with 
age,  one-eighth  of  an  inch  thick  above,  increasing  to  six-sixteenths  of 
an  inch  below,  to  give  it  steadiness  when  suspended,  which  apparently 
was  intended  to  be  increased  by  hanging  a  weight  on  a  little  projecting 
ring  at  the  bottom  of  it,  in  using  it  on  shipboard.  Its  suspending 
ring  is  attached  by  a  double  hinge  of  the  nature  of  a  universal  joint. 
Its  circle  is  divided  into  single  degrees,  graduated  from  its  perpendic- 
ular of  suspension.  The  dOiible-bladed  index,  the  pivot  of  which 
passes  through  the  centre  of  the  astrolabe,  has  slits  and  eyelets  in  the 
projecting  sights  that  are  on  it."  The  manner  of  using  the  astrolabe 
is  described  thus:  "Let  the  astrolabe  be  suspended  so  that  it  shall 
hang  plumb.  Direct  the  index  to  the  sun  at  noon,  or  to  the  North 
star,  so  that  the  same  ray  of  light  may  snine  through  both  holes  in 
the  two  tablets  or  pinnies  on  the  index,  and  the  index  will  point  to 
the  degree  of  the  sun's  meridian  altitude,  indicated  on  the  outer  rim 
of  the  astrolabe." 

It  will  be  observed  from  the  description  that  the  entire  span  of  the 
graduated  circle  is  less  than  eighteen  inches,  and  that  consequently 
the  length  of  each  degree  as  marked  upon  it  is  less  than  one-twentieth 
of  an  inch.  When  this  is  taken  into  consideration,  together  with 
the  fact  that  Champlain's  observations  were  made  while  surrounded 
by  a  war-party  of  savages,  in  an  enemy's  country,  with  but  little 
leisure,  it  would  not  be  strange  if  he  made  an  error.  As  a  matter  of 
fact  his  records  of  latitude  throughout  his  explorations  are  now  defi- 
nitely known  to  be  full  of  errors,  notwithstanding  most  of  them  were 
made  under  far  more  favorable  circumstances  than  these  on  Lake 
Champlain. 

Thus,  in  Champlain's  first  exploration  in  Canada  in  1604,  he 
marked  the  harbor  of  St.  Margaret,  now  Weymouth  Harbor,  on  the 
southern  shore  of  St.  Mary's  Bay,  as  in  latitude  45**  30'  an  error  of 
l**  7',  the  true  latitude  being  44«  23'.  The  true  latitude  of  the  Island 
of  St.  Croix  is  45"  37'  and  he  made  it  46**  40',  an  error  of  V  3'.  He 
made  a  point  in  the  Richelieu  river  north  of  Chambly  Basin  in  lati- 
tude 45**,  an  error  of  some  45'.     To  a  well-marked  cove  in  Moisie  Bay 


10  21ie  First  Battle  of  Lake  Cham  plain 

he  gave  the  latitude  of  "51°  and  some  minutes,"  an  error  of  at  least 
41'.  The  Basin  of  Mines,  La  Cadie,  which  he  puts  in  latitude 
"44°  and  some  minutes,"  has  a  latitude  of  45°  30',  an  error  of  00  nautical 
miles.  The  latitude  of  Langor,  Me.,  is  44°  46',  and  he  made  it  45°  25'. 
Ward  Island,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Saco,  which  he  placed  in  latitude 
43°  45',  has  a  latitude  of  43°  27'.  He  made  the  latitude  of  Cape  Ann 
"43°  and  some  minutes,"  and  its  true  latitude  is  42°  39'  43''.  Brant's 
Point,  near  Boston,  he  placed  in  latitude  42°  45',  an  error  of  40'.  Nauset 
Harhor,Cape  Cod,  wa^  placed  by  him  in  latitude  42°,  an  error  of  12',  and 
in  giving  the  latitude  of  Ten  Pound  Island,  Gloucester  Bay,  he  made 
an  error  of  24'.  The  nearest  approximation  to  exactness  in  all  Cham- 
plain's  records  is  in  giving  the  latitude  of  Port  Sainte  Ilelaine  as 
44°  41',  "more  or  less,"  an  error  of  only  one  minute,  his  usual  variation 
being  from  10'  to  30'  or  more.  In  fact,  it  would  be  remarkable  if  it 
were  otherwise,  considering  the  rudeness  of  his  appliances  and  the 
probability  that  no  allowance  was  made  for  refraction. 

Now,  Crown  Point  being  in  latitude  44°  2',  and  Ticonderoga,  which 
has  been  accepted  as  the  site  of  the  battle,  in  latitude  43°  51',  the  error 
in  this  case  would  be  only  11',  or  far  below  Champlain's  average,  allow- 
ing that  the  battle  ground  was  at  Crown  Point,  in  latitude  44°  2',  in- 
stead of  at  Ticonderoga  in  latitude  "  43°  and  some  minutes." 

There  is  another  expression  in  Champlain's  journal,  which,  with 
that  just  considered,  evidently  constitute?  the  foundation  of  the  hy- 
pothesis that  the  first  Battle  of  Lake  Champlain  was  at  or  near  Ticon- 
deroga. 

Champlain  in  the  narration  of  this  voyage,  detailing  occurrences  of 
several  days  before  the  battle,  speaking  of  the  mountains  to  the  south- 
ward, says:  "  The  savages  told  me  that  these  mountains  were  thickly 
settled,  and  that  it  was  there  we  were  to  find  their  enemies;  but  that 
it  was  necessary  to  pass  a  fall  in  order  to  go  there,  (which  I  saw  after- 
ward) when  we  should  enter  another  lake  nine  or  ten  leagues  long," 
etc.  Champlain  here,  undoubtedly,  refers  to  Lake  George,  and  to  the 
fall  below  its  outlet,  which  now  furnishes  water  power  for  the  manu- 
facturing village  of  Ticonderoga,  and  it  has  been  argued  that  he  must 
have  seen  this  fall  on  the  day  of  the  battle,  there  being  no  reason  for 
believing  that  he  ever  returned  to  this  locality,  and,  consequently,  that 
the  battle  must  have  been  as  near  to  this  fall  as  the  point  on  the  shore 
where  it  has  been  located  —  a  distance  of  something  over  two  miles. 

Now,  it  will  be  remembered  that,  in  his  narrative  of  events  of  July 
30,  he  says,  the  Iroquois,  '*  seeing  their  chiefs  dead,  lost  courage  and 
took  to  flight,  abandonding  their  camp  and  fort  and  fleeing  into  the 


I 


Tlie  First  Battle  of  Lake  Cliamplain.  11 

woods,  whither  I  pursued  them,  killing  still  more  of  them.  Our 
savages  also  killed  several  of  them  and  took  ten  or  twelve  prisoners. 
*  *  *  After  gaining  the  victory  our  men  amused  themselves  by 
taking  a  great  quantity  of  Indian  corn  and  some  meal  from  their  ene- 
mies, also  their  armor.  After  feasting  sumptuously,  dancing  and  sing- 
ing, we  returned,  three  hours  after  with  the  prisoners,"  and  **  after 
going  some  eight  leagues,  toward  evening,  they  took  one  of  the  prison- 
ers," etc.,  and  he  proceeds  to  detail  the  scenes  of  torture  in  the  camp. 
The  day  had  witnessed  the  battle,  the  sack  of  the  fort  and  camp, 
the  dancing  and  singing  and  feasting  and,  finally,  the  journey  of  eight 
leagues,  and  still  it  was  only  *'  toward  evening."  Xo  hint  is  given  of 
any  extended  pursuit  of  the  Iroquois  through  the  dense  wilderness 
and,  with  so  much  crowded  into  the  day,  there  could  have  been  little 
time  for  such  pursuit.  To  have  seen  the  falls  of  Ticonderoga  Cham- 
plain  must  have  gone  some  two  miles  from  the  spot  which  has  been 
fixed  by  historians  as  the  battle-ground,  burdened  with  his  heavy  arque- 
buse,  abandoning  his  base  of  supplies,  and  plunging  into  an  unknown 
wilderness  in  pursuit  of  a  fleet  and  unincumbered  foe,  which  still  out- 
numbered his  own  force,  nearly  or  quite  three  to  one,  and  exposing 
himself  to  the  danger  of  a  deadly  ambuscade.  What  object  could  he 
have  had  in  incurring  this  danger?  Did  he  see  these  falls  on  the  day 
of  the  battle?  Is  it  probable  that  he  saw  them  then  and  neglected  to 
mention  this  significant  fact  in  its  proper  place  in  his  journal? 

This  was  one  of  his  most  important  and  most  perilous  voyages  of 
discovery.  He  had  penetrated  over  a  hundred  miles  into  the  enemy's 
country,  and  may  it  not  be  fairly  presumed  that,  here,  at  the  end  of 
that  journey  he  would  have  noted  on  the  day  of  its  occurrence  so  re- 
markable a  circumstance  as  this?  Note  the  expression, '^  which  I  saw 
afterwards."  In  the  Prince  Society's  translation  this  phrase  is  in 
parenthesis.  Why?  Did  the  translator  have  doubts  or  suspicions  of 
it?  It  would  seem  so,  else  so  important  an  expression  would  not  have 
been  thus  slighted.  It  might  prove  an  interesting  study  to  trace  the 
history  of  this  phrase,  so  significantly  cut  out  from  the  main  narra- 
tive and  parenthetically  degraded  by  the  translator.  Are  there  grounds 
for  the  suspicion  that  it  may  be  an  interpolation? 

At  the  time  of  Champlain's  explorations,  two  religious  orders  in  the 
Catholic  church  were  struggling  with  each  other  for  precedence,  not 
only  in  the  Old  World  but  in  this  great  missionary  field  just  opened  in 
the  New  World.  The  RecoUets  came  over  with  Columbus  in  1493 
and  were  in  Canada  in  1G15,  and  their  rivals,  the  Jesuits,  were  here 
even  before  that,  and  were  firmly  established  in  New  France  in  1633. 


12      .  The  First  Battle  of  Lake  Champlain, 

Mr.  Otis,  in  his  preface  to  his  translation  of  Champlain's  journals  hints 
at  tampering  with  the  journals  of  Champlain,  (vol.  1,  p.  220)  and 
says:  "  All  favorable  allusion  to  the  Recollets,  to  whom  Champlain 
was  friendly,  are  modified  or  expunged  in  editions  subsequent  to  the 
first,  while  the  Jesuits  are  made  to  appear  in  a  more  favorable  light." 
This  is,  at  least,  suggestive  of  the  key  to  a  possible  motive  for  pre- 
cisely such  an  interpolation  as  this,  based  on  the  desired  establishment 
of  the  alleged  fact  that  Champlain,  an  adherent  of  the  Recollets,  and 
so  zealous  a  Catholic  that  he  might  almost  be  ranked  as  a  missionary 
as  well  as  explorer,^  was  the  first  discoverer  of  Lake  George,  or  its 
outlet,  thirty-five  years  before  it  was  seen  by  Father  Jogues,  whom 
history  names  as  the  first  white  man  who  saw  it.  A  suggestive 
fact  may  be  stated  in  this  connection  —  that  on  Champlain's  small 
map  of  1613  ("  (xeographical  Map  of  New  France,  in  its  True  Meri- 
dian ")  a  cross  is  marked  on  Lake  George,  indicating  pretension  to 
discovery  or  possession  by  Catholic  missionaries  thirty-one  years  before 
its  discovery  by  Father  Jogues. 

The  language  of  the  phrase  in  parenthesis  is  at  least  ambiguous.  The 
Indians  told  him  '^  It  was  necessary  to  pass  a  fall  to  go  there,  (which 
I  saw  afterwards)."  "What  did  he  see?  Literally,  Champlain  did  not 
say  that  he  saw  the  fall,  afterwards,  but  that  afterwards  he  saw  it  was 
necessary  to  pass  the  fall.  It  seems  probable  that  what  he  meant  was 
that  he  perceived,  or  found,  or  became  convinced,  that  one  must  pass 
the  fall  to  go  to  the  lake;  that  he  verified  what  the  friendly  savages  had 
told  him.  This  he  might  have  done  through  the  Iroquois  prisoners, 
of  whom  his  party  had  taken  ten  or  twelve,  and  it  is  reasonable  to 
suppose  that  he  would  obtain  what  information  he  could  from  them. 

The  language  leaves  a  doubt  as  to  its  author's  meaning,  and  in 
judging  of  it  all  circumstances  bearing  upon  the  matter  should  be 
taken  into  consideration.  It  is  undeniable  that  all  the  other  evidence 
in  the  case  forbids  the  supposition  that  Champlain  could  have  seen  the 
fall  on  the  day  of  battle,  even  had  it  been  fought  at  Ticonderoga  or 
near  there.  In  many  other  instances  the  language  of  Champlain's 
journals  is  doubtful  and  susceptible  of  double  meaning.  Thus,  in  the 
journal  of  his  voyage  of  1603,  he  speaks  of  a  "  horrible  monster 
*  *  *  which  the  savages  called  the  Gougou  *  *  *  This  mon- 
ster makes  horrible  noises  in  this  island  which  the  savages  call  Gou- 
gou," etc.  Here  he  evidently  means  that  the  monster  is  called  Gougou, 
but  construed  literally  he  says  the  savages  call  the  island  "Gougou." 
Again,  in  his  explanation  of  his  great  map,  he  describes  the  Riche- 
lieu river  as  "  very  beautiful,  with  many  islands  and  meadows.  It  comes 


TJie  First  Battle  of  Lahe  Cfiamplain.  13 

from  Lac  de  Champlain,  five  or  six  days'  journey  in  length,"  etc.,  leav- 
ing it  uncertain  whether  it  is  the  lake  or  the  river  which  he  is  describ- 
ing. And  once  more,he  says:  ^'  Having  asked  whence  comes  the  river 
Norumbegue,  he  told  me  that  it  passes  the  fall,  and  that  one  journeying 
some  distance  on  it  enters  a  lake  by  way  of  which  they  come  to  the  river 
of  St.  Croix,"  etc.  Here  Champlain  could  not,  as  his  translator  points 
out,  have  meant  the  river  St.  Croix,  but  rather  the  river  in  which  was 
the  island  of  St.  Croix.  Many  such  instances  might  be  cited  from 
Champlain's  journals.  Mr.  Charles  Pomeroy  Oti8,  the  translator  of 
the  Prince  Society's  edition  of  Champlain's  voyages,  says:  ^'  The  lan- 
guage used  by  Champlain  is  essentially  the  classic  French  of  Henry 
jy^  *  *  *  But,  though  using  in  general  the  language  of  court  and 
literature,  he  offends,  not  unfrequently,  against  the  rules  of  grammar 
and  logical  arrangement.  *  *  *  Indeed,  one  rather  wonders  that 
an  unpretending  explorer  writes  so  well.  It  is  the  thought,  not  the 
words,  which  occupies  his  attention." 

It  is  proper  to  note  here  that  while,  previously  to  the  battle,  Cham- 
plain gives  dates  in  his  journal,  none  are  given  after  the  battle,  until 
the  war  party  arrives  at  Quebec,  the  first  date  noted  being  the  8th  of 
September,  thirty-nine  days  after  the  battle,  and  that  it  is  possible, 
though  altogether  improbable,  that  he  might  have  returned  and  seen 
the  fall  during  this  time,  before  leaving  the  lake. 

There  is  one  more  important  consideration.  The  old  Indian  name 
for  Crown  Point  was  "Ten'yadoughnigaugee,"'  which  signified  '*two 
points  opposite  to  each  other."  (See  map  accompanying  Pownall's 
Topographical  Description,  1776.)  When  the  French  assumed  own- 
ership of  Lake  Champlain,  they  discarded  nearly  all  the  Indian  names, 
substituting  their  own.  This  point  they  called  Point  au  Chevelure. 
What  did  that  name  signify  ?  An  old  plan  or  chart  of  Fort  Freder- 
ick, preserved  in  the  library  archives  of  a  New  England  town,  gives 
a  clue. 

It  represents  Crown  Point,  with  Fort  Frederick,  its  tall  tower  armed 
with  cannon,  and  ground  plans  of  the  small  church  and  o  ther  buildings, 
within  the  earthwork  enclosure,  and  it  bears  title,  *'  Ft.  Frederick, 
a  French  Incroachment,  built  1731  at  Crown  Point,  or  rather  Scalp 
Point.  From  a  French  draft."  This  plan  bears  neither  date  nor  other 
explanation,  but  the  phrase  "French  Incroachment,"  marks  it  as  of 
English  origin,  and  of  course  it  must  have  been  drawn  before  1759, 
when  the  fort  was  destroyed  and  the  country  was  relinquished  by  the 
French.  On  this  copy  of  a  "  French  Draft,"  Point  au  Chevelure,  or 
Crown  Point,  or  Scalp  Point,  is  marked  as  the  southern  limit  of  Lake 


14  Tlie  First  Battle  of  Lake  Champlain. 

Chiimplain  and  the  narrow  continuation  of  it  above  is  marked  '*  Wood 
Creek/'  Now  it  is  a  most  significant  fact  that  on  all,  or  nearly  all  the 
old  French  maps  of  Lake  Champlain  this  point  bears  the  name  "au 
Chevelure,"  or  "  Scalp  Point/'  as  rendered  by  this  plan  referred  to. 

Whence  came  that  name  so  indicative  of  bloody  work?  It  is  the 
only  name  on  these  old  maps  of  Lake  Champlain  that  bears 
such  signification.  We  find  Point  au  Fer,  Point  Algonquin,  Cape 
Scomoton  as  applied  to  prominent  features  below,  and  "  Cheonderoga," 
signifying  "  Three  Rivers,"  which  is  now  Ticonderoga,  where  we  have 
been  taught  to  believe  the  battle  was,  but  nowhere  on  any  of  these 
maps  of  Lake  Champlain  is  there  a  name  except  this  which  appears  to 
have  been  applied  to  commemorate  bloodshed  or  warfare. 

Now  the  first  Battle  of  Lake  Champlain  was  a  notable  event  in  the 
early  annals  of  this  region.  The  first  discharge  of  Champlain's  arque- 
buse  awoke  new  echoes  which  heralded  the  end  of  savage  dominion 
and  the  advent  of  civilization,  with  its  better  modes  of  living  and  of 
killing.  Is  it  likely  that  the  early  French  chroniclers  with  their 
habits  of  careful  observation  of  the  minutest  things  would  have  omitted 
to  hand  down  the  memory  of  that  first  battle  of  Frenchmen  with  sav- 
ages? Or  is  it  probable  that  they  would  have  applied  a  name  indicat- 
ing Indian  warfare  to  a  point  where  no  notable  act  of  Indian  warfare 
took  place  and  give  to  the  only  bloody  spot  the  peaceful  name  of 
"  Three  Rivers  ?  "  In  that  battle  about  two  hundred  and  sixty  men  were 
engaged — a  great  force  for  that  time,  when  the  lines  of  transportation 
were  wilderness  trails  and  fleets  were  made  from  the  bark  of  trees.  The 
first  naval  battle  between  England  and  the  United  States  had  only  about 
four  times  that  number  of  men  engaged,  and  the  last  naval  battle  between 
these  powers  had  less  than  two  thousand  men.  In  this  first  battle  of 
Lake  Champlain  the  force  of  the  Iroquois  was  nearly  decimated,  and 
many  scalps  were  taken  —  a  feature  of  warfare  strange  to  civilized 
Frenchmen.  What  can  be  more  likely  than  that  the  scene  of  such  a 
conflict,  which  has  had  no  parallel  in  significance  since,  on  these  waters, 
would  be  appropriately  named,  and  what  name  could  be  more  fitting 
than  Point  au  Chevelure  or  Scalp  Point?  It  seems  hardly  probable  that 
the  site  of  this  battle  would  go  unnamed,  with  such  a  minute  and  graphic 
description  of  it  as  Champlain  spread  out  on  the  historic  annals  of  that 
time.  They  certainly  gave  no  point  above  this  on  the  lake,  a  name,  in 
the  slightest  degree  indicating  warfare.  Ticonderoga,  as  we  have 
seen,  is  from  a  word  signifying  "  Three  Rivers  " — ■  the  river  from  Lake 
George,  the  river  from  the  upper  end  of  Lake  Champlain,  and  the 
East  Creek,  the  three  joining  here  and  flowing  down  to  the  lake,  con- 


Champlain's  Astrolabe. 
Lost  June  7,  1613;  found  August,  1867. 


TJiP  First  Baltic  of  LaJce  Champlain.  15 

stituting  Wood  Creek,  named  also  *'  Ossavages"  on  one  old  map?  All 
other  points  on  the  west  side  of  the  lake  where  the  battle  could  have 
possibly  taken  place  are  left  nameless  on  the  old  French  maps  except 
Point  au  Chevelure,  Crown  Point,  or  Scalp  Point.  Is  not  this  strong 
presumptive  evidence  that  there  was  the  battle? 

Champlain,  in  his  rude  map  of  Lake  Champlain,  plainly  marked  the 
"cape  which  extends  into  the  lake/'  placing  by  it  the  number  65,  re- 
ferring to  his  explanation  of  this  as  the  site  of  the  battle,  this  cape 
being  the  most  prominent  projection  on  the  western  shore.  The  French 
map-makers,  following  him,  gave  the  outline  of  the  lake  with  remark- 
able accuracy,  and  they  too  marked  the  **cape  which  extends  into  the 
lake,"  and  gave  it  a  name  which  commemorates  bloodshed,  and  to-day, 
no  observant  traveler,  following  Champlain's  course  up  the  lake  can 
fail  to  be  struck  with  Crown  Point  as  answering  more  completely  to 
Champlain's  description  of  the  site  of  his  battle  than  any  other  locality 
where  the  battle  could  have  possibly  been  fought. 

All  along  down  the  course  of  historic  time  Crown  Point  has  been 
noted  as  one  of  the  grand  strategic  points  of  the  Champlain  valley. 
Here  an  outpost  was  established  by  the  English  in  colonial  times,  near 
the  close  of  the  seventeenth  century;  here,  in  1731,  the  French  built 
Fort  Frederick,  making  a  bold  advance  from  their  former  frontier  a 
hundred  miles  north;  from  this  point  the  great  military  road  was  built 
across  the  mountains  to  the  Connecticut;  here,  under  the  guns  of  Fort 
Frederick,  was  the  first  church  in  the  Champlain  valley,  the  Jesuit 
Fathers  planting  the  cross  beside  the  Frenchlilyaccordingto  their  cus- 
tom, as  if  in  obedience  to  Champlain's  desire;  here  the  walls  of  the 
great  Amherst  fort  —  said  to  be  the  most  massive  and  best  preserved 
of  all  the  Revolutionary  or  pre-Revolutionary  military  ruins  of  the 
North  —  began  to  rise  in  the  very  month  that  the  French  were  finally 
driven  out  of  the  valley;  here,  doubtless,  at  the  head  of  the  "lake 
which  is  the  gate  of  the  country,"  was  the  scene  of  many  bloody  en- 
counters between  the  two  great  nations  of  savages  before  the  white 
men  came;  here,  the  best  evidence  concurs  in  showing,  was  the  spot 
where  the- Iroquois  built  the  first  fort  since  the  dawn  of  historic  time, 
in  the  Champlain  valley,  on  the  night  of  July  29th,  two  hundred 
and  eighty  years  ago,  and  here,  on  the  morning  of  the  30th  of  July, 
1609,  was  fought  the  first  Battle  of  Lake  Champlain. 

(1)  He  (Cliamplain)  was  upright  and  amiable  in  his  deportment  —  was  zealous  in 
propagating  the  Roman  Catholic  faith,  and  was  often  heard  to  remark  that  "  The 
salvation  of  one  soul  was  of  more  value  than  the  conquest  of  an  empire."  — 
(Thompson's  Vermont,  Part  2,  p.  2,  foot-note.) 

(2)  Map  accompanying  Pownall's  Topographical  Description  1776. 


